Archive for August, 2009

Guests Bring Their Quirks to the Dinner Table

Julie Adelsberger — Senior Manager; Express Scripts — As senior manager of knowledge management, Julie Adelsberger is responsible for translating scientific research into accessible communications for plan sponsors and other healthcare stakeholders.

Departing New York Times food critic Frank Bruni discovered a quirk of human nature in his five-plus years of restaurant reviewing. Each night he dined out for work, he would bring guests along and assign them a dish to order, allowing him to sample a wider variety of the menu. The diners would eat a quarter of their meals and pass their plates, trying each dish in turn. The guests were, as Bruni describes it, “temporary custodians” of their original meal. But he found that his guests were partial to their original dish, even though they had no role in choosing it:

Each guest seemed to think that what he or she wound up ordering was a matter of identity, a reflection of self. And more often than not, he or she would go on to describe and defend that dish as the very best.

So what explains this behavior? Perhaps the endowment effect, a form of loss aversion, is in play. This principle tells us that people highly value what they already possess. For these diners, then, the dish they order becomes personal — more coveted than the others, and psychologically difficult to pass along to the next diner. Bruni writes:

Jane tries some of the gnocchi Dick has passed to her, and curls her lip.

“My pork loin is much, much better,” she proclaims, with a resounding emphasis on the word “my” and no hint of recognition that the loin wasn’t her pick: the critic randomly assigned it to her.

“True,” Mary chimes in, affirming the pork, only to add, “My short ribs are the best thing on the table.”

“Well, I love my gnocchi,” Dick counters, possessive and prickly. He’s defending more than dumplings. It’s his very discernment that he’s standing up for, even though it never came into play. And he accentuates his pique by wresting the gnocchi from Jane. Like a kid in the schoolyard, he wants his ball back.

For Bruni’s complete column, click here.

My $103 T-shirt (Shipping Not Included)

Julie Adelsberger — Senior Manager; Express Scripts — As senior manager of knowledge management, Julie Adelsberger is responsible for translating scientific research into accessible communications for plan sponsors and other healthcare stakeholders.

My eBay strategy is simple. I consider the item: A vintage T-shirt, a designer purse, the Good Luck Care Bear I longed for in grade school. I determine my maximum price, log in, type in my bid. And before I hit “enter,” I promise myself that this time I’ll stay rational even if I’m outbid.

But I never do.

For example: I’ve been automatically outbid for the T-shirt, which features a wrestling tag team from the 1980s. Seriously. This T-shirt is a rarity. It’s hilarious. I’ve measured to ensure the shirt will fit and imagined myself wearing it ironically, and I am not willing to cede it to some punk who won’t love it like I would. I don’t want to pay more, but I want to make my eBay nemesis pay for shattering my dreams, so I enter higher bids, driving up the cost. Take that! And then I go over the punk’s max bid. I am delighted and horrified. The shirt is mine, but I’m paying $75.

So I promise myself that I won’t pay more, even if I’m outbid. (Right.) Next time I check eBay, I’m no longer in the lead. The price has crept up, just a buck, and I wonder how much more I’d have to pay — $5? $10? — to take the lead back. I’ve already accepted that I’m out $75, so what’s another Hamilton?

I realize, of course, that I am an idiot. I work with principles of behavioral economics every day. This is classic irrational behavior, loss aversion in action. If I were behaving rationally, I would walk away after entering my initial “maximum” bid. If that bid won in the market, I’d take home the shirt. If it didn’t, I wouldn’t. But I don’t walk away because I’ve imagined the shirt as mine, and I don’t know whether I’ll ever find anything like it again. I can’t bear to lose it.

So I plot how to win it. I discuss strategy with a friend who appreciates the quality of this purple poly-cotton blend shirt as much as I do. He reads the entry: “18.5 inches from pit to pit,” he says. “I’ve never seen that on an eBay listing before.” He measures with a ruler, estimates that the shirt will fit. He proposes shared custody, with a max bid of $100. This is genius. I’ll get the shirt, at least on weekends and holidays, and I’ll save $25. I enter the bid, and we’re back in the lead.

The next day, I check eBay when the clock on our auction is running out. We’ve been outbid again. I remember some poker wisdom about throwing good money after bad, promptly disregard it, and raise our maximum bid $10. I keep an eye on the bid for those crucial last minutes, ensuring we stay in the lead — and we do! I text my friend. We celebrate. For $103, plus shipping, a 20-year-old used T-shirt is ours.

Yeah, I’m an idiot. But I’ll behave rationally… next time.

Perfect Design Made Simple

Bob Nease, PhD — Chief Scientist; Express Scripts — is a leader in the convergence of behavioral economics and healthcare; at Express Scripts, he is responsible for advancing the understanding of consumer behavior. To this end, he closely follows emerging science around human behavior and decision making, then works to develop tools and communications that help plan sponsors enable better health and value.

“Perfection is achieved not when there is nothing more to add but when there is nothing left to take away.” — Antoine de Saint-Exupery

French writer Antoine de Saint-Exupery gives us an interesting way to think about great design:  stripping away everything that isn’t absolutely crucial to getting the main job done.  This is one of the powerful secrets of the iPod, which is intuitive in its simplicity.  Apple ships iPods with only a brief instruction manual, covering the most basic functions.  More extensive help is available online, but most users won’t need more — because the product is so well designed it requires no explanation.

Behavioral Economics, Executive Pay, and Caveat Emptor 2.0

Bob Nease, PhD — Chief Scientist; Express Scripts — is a leader in the convergence of behavioral economics and healthcare; at Express Scripts, he is responsible for advancing the understanding of consumer behavior. To this end, he closely follows emerging science around human behavior and decision making, then works to develop tools and communications that help plan sponsors enable better health and value.

The New York Times reports on executive pay and mutual fund management fees, topics which are getting fairly significant interest in the courts. On one side are the econs, who argue that the market will solve outsized fees by shifting money to the best performing options (e.g., fund managers with an optimal mix of risk, return and fees). For example, a lawsuit brought by investors in a set of mutual funds claimed those funds had overpaid their investment advisor. A multi-judge panel in the US Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in Chicago dismissed that case. As quoted in the Times, Chief Justice Frank Easterbrook summed up their argument as follows:

“Mutual funds rarely fire their advisers,” Judge Easterbrook acknowledged. But, he continued, “investors can and do ‘fire’ advisers cheaply and easily by moving their money elsewhere.”

In a 2003 letter to shareholders, Warren Buffet focused hard on the hesitation of mutual fund directors to axe poorly performing advisers:

“Year after year, at literally thousands of funds, directors had routinely rehired the incumbent management company, however pathetic its performance had been. Just as routinely, the directors had mindlessly approved fees that in many cases far exceeded those that could have been negotiated.”

Setting aside political philosophy, who’s right? If average Joe investors “can and do” fire advisors “cheaply and easily” by voting with their investment dollars, why aren’t the mutual funds that rely on poor or overly expensive advice penalized with decreasing investment in those funds? Maybe Easterbrook et al are half right: although investors *can* move their money, few actually *do*.

CCEC advisory board member Ian Ayres along with two colleagues apply behavioral economics to make just that case in a “friends of the court” brief filed with the Supreme Court. They argue:

Problems such as “misperceptions of chance,” “sample-size neglect,” “loss aversion,” and “mental accounting” render the assessment of mutual fund performance extremely difficult for investors. Accordingly, the proposition that mutual fund investors will simply “fire” their advisers by “redeeming their shares and investing their assets elsewhere” ignores these natural impediments to competition.

And to this I would add hyperbolic discounting, which drives procrastination. Judge Easterbrook (and any cool-headed, rational observer) might conclude that moving money from one mutual fund to another is easy to do, but psychologically that’s not the case. The investor must actively decide to do something, find a suitable alternative, and (at a minimum) make a phone call or visit a website (the password for which s/he may or may not recall). All of these little hassles occur in the present, and therefore loom large relative to the benefits, which are all downstream.

It sure does feel that all of these cognitive shortfalls – especially loss aversion and hyperbolic discounting – could create significant stickiness that would inhibit the movement of money between investments. If so, the argument that the market will take care of the problem of excessive management fees is questionable. One solution is greater regulation to do what the market apparently cannot (or in the case of this lawsuit, suing advisors over outsized fees).

But another approach is a new type of caveat emptor – let’s call it “Caveat Emptor 2.0″ – in which the buyer isn’t just aware that the goods might not be what they seem, but that her own behavior and thought processes might not be in her long-term self interest. If we know, for example, that we are inclined to leave our money in a sub-performing mutual fund, how surprised should we be that investment advisors’ fees are poorly correlated with performance?

Stay tuned.  My bet is that as the science underlying behavioral economics becomes more compelling, the discussion will shift to the role of government versus the individual in addressing how to overcome these shortcomings.

When Does Money Become Money?

As an editor for the Corporate Database team, Eric Ferguson is responsible for writing and editing strategic language for Express Scripts' Sales & Marketing department.

So, this happened: I visited my neighborhood Barnes & Noble over the weekend to pick up some Italian translations of Kafka (or maybe the latest Guns and Ammo). While heading toward checkout, I noticed a gentleman drop a quarter on the floor. He made note of it before electing to walk away.

I, on the other hand, am naturally attracted to shiny things, especially those that can be exchanged for goods and services. After a five-second waiting period to allow the gentleman to reconsider, I swooped in and snatched up the two bits. His loss, my gain.

But why would he abandon his own skrilla? It’s just a quarter, but money’s money — isn’t it? This brings us to the concept of “budget dust,” the idea that money under a certain threshold isn’t worth the fuss. Maybe this guy had a pocketful of 20s and didn’t feel the need to bother about 25 cents.

I assure you that my circumstances are not so dire that a quarter will make or break me, but clearly 25 cents are worth more to me than they are to him. (After all, if I found a quarter on the ground every day for a month, that’s a trip to Chipotle.) However, I do the same thing when I tell the drive-thru attendant to “keep the change.” Better to forego four cents than have them fall between the seats, right?

It would appear that we each have our own view of money’s “tipping point.” What’s yours? Imagine yourself walking past a penny … then a quarter … then a dollar bill …

At what point do you reach down and pick up some free money?

DIY Behavioral Economics

Bob Nease, PhD — Chief Scientist; Express Scripts — is a leader in the convergence of behavioral economics and healthcare; at Express Scripts, he is responsible for advancing the understanding of consumer behavior. To this end, he closely follows emerging science around human behavior and decision making, then works to develop tools and communications that help plan sponsors enable better health and value.

I am a big fan of to-do lists. The proof? I have one, and it just seems to get longer and longer.

Now a British company has developed an iPhone application that couples your to-do list with a set of “motivators” — things designed to help you get your stuff done. This sounds a lot like stickk.com but applied to smaller tasks (e.g., do your report) rather than larger, longer-term tasks (e.g., quit smoking).

Here are a couple of screen shots:

 helpmedo

I like the idea of precommitment (i.e., setting the motivator during the planning phase), and of telescoping into the present the benefits of getting things done (e.g., treat, win a bet) or the costs of not getting things done (e.g., a penalty, social pressure). That said, I haven’t tried this application, so if you do, let us know how it works.

Are Ants Immune to the Decoy Effect?

Bob Nease, PhD — Chief Scientist; Express Scripts — is a leader in the convergence of behavioral economics and healthcare; at Express Scripts, he is responsible for advancing the understanding of consumer behavior. To this end, he closely follows emerging science around human behavior and decision making, then works to develop tools and communications that help plan sponsors enable better health and value.

We’ve commented previously on the decoy effect on choices: introduction of an inferior (and therefore rationally irrelevant) option can shift preferences between two other alternatives. The idea is that people look for shortcuts to help them choose between options, and that the introduction of an option that is inferior to one of the two competiting alternatives makes that alternative look better overall.

CCEC board member Dan Ariely talks about this effect in the choice of dates. Specifically, suppose that Ann is out on the town, and that she’s attracted to tall, handsome men. She’s approached by Bill (tall but pretty plain looking) and Ted (foxy but shorter), and is having a tough time deciding where to focus her attention. In walks Jeff, who is not quite as tall as Bill, and no better looking. Bill is clearly more attractive than Jeff… and apparently that clarity is enough to tip Ann’s preferences toward Bill, even though nothing’s changed in regards to the comparison between Bill and Ted. Had Jeff been as short as Ted but not quite as good looking, Ann’s interest might turn toward Ted simply because he is more attractive than Jeff.

It’s almost as if “betterness” becomes inherently attached to the relatively more attractive alternative. The exact mechanism isn’t clear, at least not to me. One possibility is loss aversion: the best way to avoid the clear loss of the decoy is to choose the clearly better option. Another related possibility is the need to explain one’s choice to others (which is a social factor). Choosing the alternative that is superior to the decoy helps bolster the argument for why you did what you did.

At any rate, Dan’s life lesson in all this is that the next time you go out, make sure there’s a slightly less attractive version of yourself to act as your decoy. And if someone similar to you invites you to go out, be careful: You might be the decoy. (This actually explains all of high school and most of college for me.)

And now we hear from the Proceedings of the Royal Society B that ant colonies avoid this irrational behavior. Researchers at Princeton and Arizona State examined the behaviors of ants choosing between competing digs. One option (A) offered thicker walls but a wide opening (harder to defend); the other (B) offered a smaller opening but thinner walls (again, hard to defend). They let the colonies select between these two alternatives alone, and then ran the test again with a decoy — either a third option that had similar walls but a wider opening, or a similar opening but thinner walls.

If ants are susceptible to the same decoy effect that I am, then including a decoy that had the same thick walls as A but an even bigger opening should increase the attractiveness of option A; including a decoy that had the same small opening as B but even thinner walls should increase the attractiveness of option B.

The researchers report that the neither decoy had much of an effect on the choices of the ant colonies. They attribute this increased rationality to the simplistic and distributed nature of the decision (each ant making a single choice, unaware of all the options). It’s plausible and interesting, because it might suggest ways to protect ourselves from this effect.

But there’s another, more fundamental explanation for their findings: inadequate sample size. Remember, failure to prove an effect is not proof of failure. Here are the results in graphical form:

ants

It’s really not at all clear to me that there’s no effect (in fact, it looks as though the effect might go in the opposite direction than expected). For the statistically inclined, the 90% confidence interval on the proportion of colonies choosing A (leftmost dark bar in each chart) ranges from 46% to 79% — making it really difficult for any other values to differ in a manner that’s statistically significant.

Resisting Change, or Tolerating the Status Quo?

Julie Adelsberger — Senior Manager; Express Scripts — As senior manager of knowledge management, Julie Adelsberger is responsible for translating scientific research into accessible communications for plan sponsors and other healthcare stakeholders.

When politicans, healthcare experts, and others stakeholders talk healthcare reform, they often indicate that patients maintain the status quo because they are resistant to change.  Take this excerpt from a recent Economist story on prescription drugs:

 

Governments will surely continue to turn the screws on drug prices. Even so, argues Charles-Andre Brouwers of the Boston Consulting Group, drug firms need not despair. … As he puts it: “The secret about this industry is that patients taking a red pill don’t really like switching to a blue pill.”

Express Scripts has discovered that this isn’t always the case.  Inertia and procrastination play a huge role in health behaviors.  Often people take the red pill because, well, they’re taking the red pill.  It’s an effort to switch.  There’s a phone call, maybe paperwork, a new prescription.

 

As we discussed in an earlier blog on revealed preferences, a failure to perform an action doesn’t necessarily tell us whether that action is something we’d truly like to do for our long-term benefit.  Sometimes we do, but we never find the time to get around to it; there are always more pressing tasks on our to-do lists.  This means there’s latent demand for desirable behaviors, and we just need to find ways to tap it.

 

When financial incentives and education aren’t enough, behavioral economics might do the trick.  Our Select Home Delivery program is an excellent example, showing strong performance without any changes in plan design and without altering financial incentives regarding channel.

For Girl Scouts, Competition in Cookie Sales?

Julie Adelsberger — Senior Manager; Express Scripts — As senior manager of knowledge management, Julie Adelsberger is responsible for translating scientific research into accessible communications for plan sponsors and other healthcare stakeholders.

Earlier this month, the Internet was buzzing with news that Wal-Mart is planning to introduce cookies similar to the popular Thin Mints and Tagalongs that the Girl Scouts sell. Along with this came a fair amount of rage that a family-oriented corporation would take profits from the mouths (or hands) of babes.

But when considering this move, and its effect on the Scouts, I think it’s important to consider the power of social norms. Do we truly buy Girl Scout cookies because they’re irresistible? Will we quit buying them if we have access to something similar year round?

I think not. Keebler has been selling versions of these cookies for years without crumbling the cookie-sales program. While Girl Scout cookie sales do fluctuate with the economy, we generally open our doors and wallets for them — because it’s what we’re supposed to do. Our friends, neighbors, and coworkers do it. On the sale sheet, we see how many boxes the next-door neighbors or coworkers ordered, and we want to do our part, for appearances, if nothing else.

Here’s how well it works on me: I’m allergic to some ingredients in the cookies and can’t eat them — but I usually buy a box or two for the office because I don’t want to turn my neighborhood Girl Scouts away.

The Rise and Fall of Popularity

Julie Adelsberger — Senior Manager; Express Scripts — As senior manager of knowledge management, Julie Adelsberger is responsible for translating scientific research into accessible communications for plan sponsors and other healthcare stakeholders.

More evidence that social norming is a powerful psychological principle:  research from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania that explores how we adopt and drop trends.  These norms work both ways.  There’s the desire not to be like others when those others are in an “out group” — for example, my boss claims he completely destroyed interest in water polo at his high school.  And then there’s the desire to be like those in your “in group,” which I suppose explains the widespread popularity of mime club at my junior high.  (Yes.  Seriously.)

 

People make inferences about others based on the products they buy, and when lots of similar people adopt a product, it can gain meaning as a social signal, says [Wharton marketing professor Jonah] Berger. If lots of tough people ride Harley motorcycles, for example, then driving one may come to signal a rugged identity. But when a certain taste or product is adopted by people beyond the original group, it loses its ability to signal desired characteristics, according to the research, which is based on experiments conducted over the Internet and among undergraduates. If accountants start driving Harleys, then the meaning of driving one may shift, and the bike may come to signal undesired characteristics (e.g., wannabe tough guys).

 

Along the same lines, the way most people (but maybe not most celebrities) name their babies follows this same pattern: wanting to be different but not odd.  This website that tracks the popularity of baby names by year shows the evidence.